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The
War That the War Eclipsed
October 15, 2001
By John L.
Perry
contributor to Newsmax.com
NEWSMAX.COM
President
Bush calls it a war on terrorism. It's much more than that. It's
a war for the survival of all that's great about America.
Before the Eleventh of September, this country was at war with itself.
That war was nasty, insidious and pernicious, waged relentlessly
on many fronts.
On the Eleventh
of September, at the very moment the second hijacked airliner smashed
into the second tower in Lower Manhattan, that lesser war was all
but abolished plunged into darkness like the sun behind the
moon during an eclipse.
Replacing it
in an instant of instinctive national coming-together was a larger
American struggle, one that will endure for years, maybe decades.
No Guaranteed
Victory
Nothing is
writ in the heavens that the United States is ordained to win this
one, even though it will tax every fiber of Americans' inner strength
and collective treasure.
It is entirely
possible the United States may lose the war against terrorism, wherever
it incubates around this fragile Earth, our island home, just as
there was no assurance that fascism triumphant would not engulf
America in World War II.
Some Americans
a relative handful of them do not get that even yet.
But as things stand today, just a month after the September terrorist
assaults, the signs are hopeful that this new war which will
become the most massive in world history will be won by a
newly united United States of America.
To take a gauge
of that, it is well to pause a moment, amid the latest news of daily
events, and consider what's happened to that lesser war the nation
was indulged in before the Eleventh of September.
America
the Divided
Reflecting
a nation torn, Congress was hewn down the middle, like a log split
under an ax.
One political
party was, 10 months after the event, still trying to re-run the
2000 presidential election in Florida, still denouncing the winner
as an "illegitimate president," still demanding to re-count
ballots already frayed from interminable tabulations that refused
to confirm the outcome they wanted.
The other political
party, hard pressed to explain why its candidate, victorious in
the Electoral College, had not carried the popular vote, was teetering
on the razor's edge, helplessly watching its granular margin in
the Senate flecking away to the opposition.
Neither side
could prevail on the simplest of votes, and "compromise"
was as dirty a word as "subversive" was in the days of
Joe McCarthy.
A Society
of Snarlers
Civil discourse,
from the Capital Beltway to every hamlet across this land, was a
lost art.
Vast sums were
being pledged and banked in anticipation of what everyone knew would
be one of the dirtiest congressional mid-term elections in modern
history.
In some salons
of the leftist establishment press, the president, only eight months
into office, was being scorned as a lame duck. Even some in his
own party were beginning to wonder whom they could find to run in
his place less than three years hence.
What politicians
of opposing persuasion were calling one another in public was nearly
as nasty as what they were snarling in private and into jug ears
of the spin-able press.
An International
Punching Bag
It was so bad
that politicians in some other nations, whose bacon had been saved
again and again by the United States, were maligning it as the "new
imperial hegemony." When they weren't portraying the American
president as a pitiable political eunuch, the foreign press, egged
on by American counterparts, had him caricatured as a dangerous
"unilateralist" cowboy.
An angry consensus
of would-be, self-fulfilling prophesiers had every last iota of
his domestic legislative agenda either doomed to self-destruct or
already dead on arrival at the foot of the Capitol steps.
You couldn't
tune in a national-network TV talking head or pick up scarcely a
newspaper of more than half-a-million circulation without being
instructed that those Americans still in the president's corner
could effortlessly be accommodated in the same telephone booth.
Like the trainload
of passengers animated by self-aggrandizement or revenge in Agatha
Christie's mystery "Murder on the Orient Express," the
president's detractors were stepping forward to take turns stabbing
his presumed political cadaver.
The Worst
of Times
Not since the
days of post-World War II anti-communist hysteria and the racial-desegregation
furor of the 1950s and 1960s has this nation been subjected to such
widespread, deep-running paranoia and hatred.
Then, as those
two terrorist-commandeered airliners, those in-flight chambers of
horror, smashed into the two ozone-scrapers, that lesser war disappeared
from the American experience, like data deleted from a hard drive
or scribbles from a child's Etch-a-Sketch.
Well, at least
for the nonce.
These following
few examples will give a taste of how radical was that transformation
in the national consciousness:
Jesse
Jackson, ever alert to the opportunity to come circling down to
feast upon the carrion of misery or perplexity of others, saw his
chance and took it.
It seems the
Taliban had beseeched him which no one in his right mind
believed for a moment to materialize in Kabul, there to work
his rhyming bunkum to keep their goose out of the hell fire to come.
The rev was
blathering into accommodating TV cameras, something about "World
Court, not World War."
It was so outrageously
preposterous that all concerned, including the Taliban, who may
be crazy but not nuts, wanted no part of Jesse on this one. In 48
hours, His Reverence was off the tube and back from wherever he
had crawled out.
Even
the Clintons both His and Hers lunged predictably
and instantaneously to horn in on the mass-homicide scene now known
as Ground Zero.
Their individual
efforts they've learned they make matters only worse for
themselves when they appear as a matched set went over like
lead frisbies. Since those ill-advised essays into the limelight
collapsed, they've both been uncharacteristically absent, which
must be an incredible strain on their true natures.
Al Gore,
who had road-tested a frontal assault against the president, especially
in the field of foreign affairs, froze himself in mid-reinvention.
When he got
a grip, even before he had a chance to shave his new-Al beard, he
was all patriotism and unqualified support for "my commander
in chief."
In a
few freckles of idiocy around the country, some school teachers
were burning Old Glory or refusing to allow their pupils to salute
it.
It was so outlandish
in one school in California that the local chapter of the American
Civil Liberties Union rushed to the pedagogue's defense, adding
its own fillip that pledging allegiance to the flag of the United
States of America and to the Republic for which it stands was a
"hateful" thing to do.
As might be
expected, a swarm of students, parents, other teachers and just
about the whole community landed on the teacher-dunce and the ACLU
chapter, which no doubt felt in need of the full resources of the
national ACLU.
Center-city
screamers, whose choir mistress was once Rep. Maxine Waters of Los
Angeles, were as silent as Jodie Foster lambs.
Ask yourself:
When was the last time you heard the shrill tommyrot about what
a terrible country America is in which to be black? Not since the
Eleventh of September.
Same
for the professional feminist radicals who were so occupied throwing
mud-pack pies at the president.
Not a one of
them is itching to be invited, if they don't like it here, to go
cohabit with the Taliban. It's just got to be sweltering and malodorous
beneath one of the full-length bee-keeper get-ups those Afghan Bubbas
make their women live inside.
Then
there was the sad case of the leftwing congressman from where
was it? Minnesota? who stood up and said the president's
idea to help stimulate the economy by reducing the capital-gains
tax, thus freeing up money for investments, was pure and simple
nothing other than paying off his political contributors under the
shameful guise of patriotism.
The silence
with which that bilge was greeted, by even colleagues in his own
party, could be heard resounding throughout the Capitol.
Give
credit to Christopher J. Dodd, "the other senator" than
Joe Lieberman from Connecticut. Don't sneer, it's the Constitution
that provides the state with two. If Dodd's the last man standing,
by golly, he's not going to let a little mishap like the World Trade
Center stop him from being himself.
He's been busy
as a beaver exploiting his committee position to block one particular
presidential appointee to a key State Department post. Dodd doesn't
like this fellow from the last movie.
So alone and
forlorn has Dodd been in this petulant pursuit, that he has had
to be taken to the woodshed not once, but twice by
the editorial writers of the Wall Street Journal, who, this second
time, stripped him just about naked, switched his legs and sent
him running down the Capitol corridors.
Dodd's colleagues
are now giving him a berth as wide as if he were a door-to-door
anthrax salesman.
From Third
Rail to First Choice
The point of
those illustrations is that it's become the closest thing to political
suicide to be caught on the opposite side of an issue from George
W. Bush.
Why so, all
of a sudden?
Certainly not
because Bush's opponents in politics, like Saul on the road to Damascus,
have been suddenly blinded by the light of how wrongheaded they've
been.
It's because
this president and these times have come together in an unprecedented
rushing confluence of mighty rivers.
No president
before in the history of this nation and you're welcome to
dispute it all you wish has risen with such exquisite precision
to the imperatives of the moment. He had to have had it within him
all along.
The Nation
Is With Him
What's more,
he has done it in a way unique, for there's no apt model
for him that has captured the hearts and the minds, and thus
the allegiance, of the closest thing imaginable to a totality of
the American people.
You can hear
it everywhere, and right in the forefront are people who say, yes,
they voted against him, but man, oh, man are they
ever glad it's Bush and not someone else who's president now.
George W. Bush
is the political equivalent of baseball's Cal Ripken Jr. It's more
than those endurance records the Orioles infielder set. It's the
class and style with which he played the game that earned him all
those home-and-away standing ovations. Americans see in each of
those champions the kind of American they'd like to be. And if you
for one minute think the wind-sniffers inside the Beltway don't
sense this, you're living in a dream world. That's why they're lining
up to have their photos taken while shaking the president's hand
and assuring him of their support.
Much of
It Is Sincere
Well, that's
not really the only reason, or even necessarily the biggest reason.
Remember how
churlish the opposition leaders in the Senate and the House of Representatives
were right up till the morning of the Eleventh of September? They
were, not always to their everlasting credit, playing out their
political roles. It is, after all, a two-party government.
But Sen. Tom
Daschle and Rep. Dick Gephardt are also Americans, and they have
to love this land as much as anyone else. Do them the justice of
believing in their sincerity when they stand shoulder-to-shoulder
with the president.
Is it not,
after all, what their opponents have been demanding of them? So
take it and be gracious about it. Thankful, too.
What you're
seeing now on Capitol Hill you may not have seen before in your
lifetime a healthy civil discourse taking place, in which
the two fundamentally differing approaches to running a nation are
contending, but civilly, as they were meant to be by the Founding
Fathers.
A Few Examples
How
is the best way for the nation to beef up airport security: Put
baggage-checkers and other employees on the federal payroll? Or
leave them in private employment but under sharp federal regulation
and supervision?
Is it
a smart or a dumb idea to arm airline pilots with guns?
Do you
kick-start an economy in recession by cutting taxes in order to
induce investment in new plant capacity? Or do you prime the pump
with more appropriations for federal programs?
Or should it
be a combination of both? If so, what combination?
These are but
a few of the questions that could never have been considered in
early September. Now they are imperative. And the debate is both
civil and healthy.
The litmus
test is no longer: "What's in it for me?" or "How
can I mess up an issue for the other party?" Instead, it is:
"What's best for America?"
Wherever you
look today you see: "God Bless America" and "United
We Stand."
The loonies
are being drowned out in renewed belief in God and old-fashion American
patriotism, the two cornerstones upon which this nation was founded.
Won't Last
Forever
Granted, the
disappearance of the lesser war within America is a partial eclipse,
and like any eclipse it will not have an eternal life span.
But this nation,
like no other, has the ability to determine its own destiny. It
can, if it chooses, by acting as a nation, hold that lesser war
of divisiveness in eclipse for so long as its people decide that's
how they wish to behave as a nation.
Chester Carlson
that gentle soul who invented the Xerox process gave
millions of dollars to a California think-tank, The Center for the
Study of Democratic Institutions.
Asked why he
did, Carlson replied: "When the country gets into real trouble,
the first question the people with the most invested in it always
ask is: 'Who's thinking?'"
Now It's
Become a Must
The country
is now in trouble, possibly the worst it's ever been in.
The good news
is that people are thinking again.
When this big
war the war on terrorism eclipsed that lesser pre-Eleventh
of September war, it suddenly made thinking possible
and absolutely
essential to survival.
John L. Perry,
a prize-winning newspaper editor and writer who served on White
House staffs of two presidents, is a regular columnist for NewsMax.com.
Reproduced
with the permission of NewsMax.com
. All rights reserved
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